Whispers and words: A sociolinguistic investigation of taboos and euphemisms in Algerian young women’s speech within Batna community

Read (PDF) version

Saida Tobbi
Batna 2 University, Algeria
e-mail: s.tobbi@univ-batna2.dz

AGATHOS, Volume 15, Issue 2 (29): 261-274, DOI 10.5281/zenodo.13950033
© www.agathos-international-review.com CC BY NC 2024

Abstract: This study probes deep into the linguistic taboos and euphemisms in the speech of young women within Batna community and looks at how they relate to the sociocultural elements that influence language usage. Employing a qualitative approach, the study involves 45 female English-major students from the University of Batna 2, selected through purposive sampling. Data collection methods include systematic observations, semi-structured interviews, and focus group discussions. The results reveal that taboo categories include sexuality, unclean places, metaphysical entities, admiration expressions, fatal diseases, and context-dependent animal names. They also demonstrate that the participants tend to avoid the direct usage of these taboos, opting instead for euphemistic substitutions. These substitutions encompass a variety of linguistic strategies, including religious terms, jargon, Modern Standard Arabic expressions, non-offensive conventional phrases, loanwords, metaphors, and softeners. The study underscores the role of religious and sociocultural factors in determining taboos and highlights gender disparities in their usage, with societal norms making taboos more socially acceptable for men than women. This research contributes to sociolinguistics by shedding light on language dynamics within a specific cultural context and elucidating the intricate relationship between language, culture, and gender.

Keywords: linguistic taboos, euphemism, gendered language use, sociocultural factors, Batna speech community

Introduction

Language serves as a crucial element in shaping social interactions, reflecting not only individual preferences but also societal norms and values. Differences in language usage between males and females have garnered significant attention, with women often displaying a preference for more polite forms of speech, and men using more taboo words. These distinctions are deeply rooted in societal norms that dictate behavioral expectations based on gender. Despite the wealth of gender studies focusing on linguistic differences in various sociolinguistic parameters, such as age, education, and socio-cultural background, relatively little attention has been given to the exploration of gender disparities in the utilization of linguistic taboos. The primary focus of our study is to delve into the linguistic taboos and euphemisms used by female speakers within Batna community, shedding light on the cultural norms, beliefs, and values that underpin linguistic practices in this context.

Literature review

Linguistic and sociocultural profile of Batna City

Drawing on Labov’s (1966) seminal study of the Lower East Side of New York City as a speech community despite its linguistic diversity, Patrick (2002, 577) contends that the concept of a speech community is a “socially-based unit of analysis.” This viewpoint emphasizes the significance of social characteristics and collective behaviors within a group to elucidate language practices. Similarly, Batna can be conceptualized as a single speech community characterized by shared social norms and meanings that influence its language usage.

 Batna is the main city and commune within Batna Province, Algeria. With a population recorded at 290,645 according to 2008 census, it stands as the fifth largest city in Algeria. Additionally, it holds significant importance as one of the principal urban centers in the Chaoui region and is widely regarded as the capital of Aurès. Notably, the inhabitants of Batna comprise both Arabic-speaking individuals and Berbers. All of them are Muslims.

 It is worth noting that the culture of Batna reflects a mosaic of influences due to the successive arrivals of various civilizations. This includes the Romans, Islamic Empire, and the French colonization which left a lasting imprint on Algerian culture. Furthermore, the national language of Batna and all the cities of Algeria is Modern Standard Arabic which is used in formal prestigious situations including education, press and administration. Algerian Arabic or Darija is employed as a code in informal settings such as family conversations, markets, streets, etc.

Linguistic taboos and euphemisms defined

Linguistic taboos, as defined by Allan (2019), refer to words or expressions that can cause offense due to their reference to socially sensitive subjects. Gobert (2014) emphasizes that taboos are culturally specific. This signifies that what is considered taboo varies across different cultures. Additionally, taboos change over time. This means that what is deemed taboo in one era may not be taboo in another due to societal changes. Thus, taboos can differ both across cultures and over time. To navigate around explicit taboo language, people use euphemisms. These are the linguistic strategies used to avoid the explicit use of taboo language (Al-Azzam et al. 2017). In simpler terms, euphemism is the use of a word or phrase to sidestep saying another word or phrase that is unpleasant or offensive.

Sociolinguistic perspectives on taboos and euphemisms

Taboos and euphemisms are fundamental aspects of language use that echo the social norms, values, and cultural sensitivities of a certain community (Allan and Burridge 2006). Sociolinguistic studies have extensively examined their role in various linguistic contexts, elucidating their intricate interplay with social structures, power dynamics, and identity construction (Jay 1992). A longstanding inquiry remains: How does a linguistic community assert its authority in determining lists of acceptable words, and what cues guide the formation of these lexical boundaries? One prominent perspective within sociolinguistics is the social constructionist approach, which posits that taboos and euphemisms are not inherent in language but are rather socially constructed through interactions and negotiations within a community (Allan and Burridge 2006). According to this view, language users actively participate in the creation and perpetuation of taboo words and euphemistic expressions, reflecting and reinforcing cultural norms and ideologies (Jay 1992).

 In the context of Algerian young women’s speech within Batna community, sociolinguistic investigations into taboos and euphemisms are particularly relevant due to the intersection of linguistic, cultural, and gender dynamics. Hence, examining how taboos and euphemisms manifest in their speech can provide valuable insights into the intricate relationship between language, culture, and gender in this specific context. Adopting a sociolinguistic perspective, this study attempts to explore the role of taboos and euphemisms in shaping the linguistic practices of Algerian young women within this community. By conducting qualitative analysis on naturalistic data obtained through observations, focus group discussions and in-depth interviews, this research seeks to elucidate the social functions and implications of taboo words and euphemistic expressions in this specific context.

Previous research on linguistic taboos and euphemisms in Algeria

Sebkhaoui and Yekhtar (2023) delve into the attitudes of Tiaret speakers towards taboo language and euphemisms and attempt to investigate the reasons of why these words are considered taboos by the people of this speech community. The study relied on questionnaires and interviews. The results show that insulting religion and discussing sexuality as the most contentious topics. Moreover, it was found that both taboos and euphemisms exhibit variation across individuals based on age, gender, and contextual factors.

 Ghonane (2014) explores the utilization of politeness strategies to navigate around sensitive taboo topics and expressions, particularly within Tlemcen speech community. This study delves deeply into the role of these strategies in this context, focusing on how speakers employ polite forms to demonstrate respect, make requests, and avoid potentially face-threatening situations when discussing taboo themes. A questionnaire and an interview were opted for to gather data. The findings highlight the significant role of politeness in Tlemcen culture, with speakers employing these strategies both within familial settings and broader societal interactions to demonstrate respect and preserve interpersonal harmony. Additionally, the results indicate that Tlemcen speakers utilize polite forms as a means of euphemizing discussions related to sexual matters, which are considered particularly taboo within Tlemcen community.

Intersectionality: gender, culture, and language

The use of gendered language is deeply interlinked with societal norms, reflecting expectations surrounding gender roles and power dynamics (Cameron 1992; Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 2013). Sociolinguistic investigations have displayed that linguistic differences between genders are not merely linguistic but are deeply rooted in social and cultural norms (Tannen 1990). In the Algerian society, gendered language patterns are obviously shaped by cultural traditions, religious beliefs, and historical legacies. Yet, gendered linguistic practices are not static but are subject to negotiation within social interactions (Eckert 1990). In Batna speech community, young women navigate complex linguistic terrain, negotiating between traditional norms and modern influences. Their language use is certainly influenced by factors such as education, media exposure, and social mobility (Holmes 2006).

 Understanding the interplay between gendered language use and the utilization of taboos and euphemisms by Algerian young women in Batna is essential. Societal norms may dictate which topics are deemed taboos or sensitive for women to discuss openly, thereby influencing the use of euphemisms and indirect language strategies (Cameron 1992). Hence, investigating the relationship between gendered language use and the use of taboos and euphemisms provides invaluable insights into the intersectionality of language, gender, and culture in Batna community. This research endeavors to explore how societal norms shape linguistic practices among Algerian young women, particularly concerning verbal taboos and euphemistic expressions, shedding light on the intricate dynamics of language and gender in this context. In doing so, it seeks to answer the following questions:

 1. Which words or expressions are deemed taboos in the speech of young female speakers within Batna community?

 2. What are the prevalent euphemistic strategies opted for by the young female speakers of Batna community to navigate around taboos?

 3. What cultural norms and values influence the use of taboo language and euphemisms according to the young female speakers of Batna community?

 4. How do linguistic taboos and euphemisms reflect and perpetuate gender disparities within Batna speech community?

Theoretical framework: sociolinguistic theory

Sociolinguistics, as a multifaceted field of study, examines the intricate relationship between language and society. It focuses on how language use shapes and is shaped by social structures, cultural norms, and individual identities (Wardhaugh 2010). In the context of our present research, it is important to understand the key concepts and definitions within sociolinguistic theory. Firstly, language variation and change constitute fundamental aspects of sociolinguistic inquiry. Research in this field has unveiled the dynamic nature of language, showcasing variations across lexical, morphological, syntactic, and phonological levels (Labov 2006). These variations are influenced by several social factors such as gender, age, ethnicity, socio-economic status, and geographical location, illustrating the complex interplay between language and social context. Secondly, a central notion in sociolinguistics is the speech community. It is a group of individuals who share a common language variety and regularly interact with one another (Hymes 1974). Speech communities may be delineated by geographical, social, or cultural boundaries, and they play a significant role in shaping linguistic norms and practices within specific contexts. Understanding these key notions within the framework of sociolinguistic theory provides valuable insights into how verbal taboos and euphemisms are utilized by Algerian young women in Batna community.

Methodology

Research design

Investigating the linguistic taboos and euphemisms among Algerian young women in Batna speech community, the present study opted for a qualitative approach as it allows for a deeper reflection of the language use complexities within this cultural context.

Participants and sampling

The research participants consist of 45 female English-major students at different academic levels from the University of Batna 2 (Algeria), ranging from second-year undergraduates to first and second-year Master students. All of them are residents of Batna city and fall within the age range of 20 to 40 years old. Thirty-nine (39) participants are single and six are married. Thirty ones are unemployed, two are university teachers of political sciences, six are English as a foreign language secondary-school teachers, five are English as a foreign language middle-school teachers, one is a dentist, and one is a bookstore owner. Sampling was conducted purposively to ensure diversity in age, academic level, and linguistic proficiency among the participants, thus enriching the depth and breadth of insights gathered. All the participants are current and previous students of the researcher. This rapport helped her access data smoothly considering the sensitive nature of the taboos.

Data collection methods and procedures

To capture the nuances of verbal taboos and euphemisms by the targeted participants, the researcher employed a variety of data gathering tools. These include systematic observations of naturalistic language interactions, semi-structured interviews, and focus group discussions. This mixed-methods approach allowed for a comprehensive exploration of the issue under investigation.

 Once obtaining informed consent of the participants and ensuring confidentiality and anonymity, we engaged in in systematic observations of the linguistic interactions of the recruited participants. Observations took place in informal social gatherings where naturalistic language use occurs and lasted for three months (October-December 2023). The researcher took the role of a passive observer, taking notes of contextual information and participant interactions. To complement field observations, semi-structured interviews were conducted to gain more in-depth qualitative data on linguistic taboos and euphemisms. Before conducting interviews, a detailed protocol was developed, comprising a series of open-ended questions designed to explore participants’ attitudes, beliefs, and experiences related to the linguistic phenomenon in focus. The interview protocol was flexible enough to accommodate spontaneous discussions and allow participants to elaborate on their responses.

 After conducting interviews with 15 randomly selected participants of the research sample, the researcher divided all the participants into groups of nine members and proceeded with one-hour focus group discussions that aimed at facilitating the collective exploration and validation of the emerging themes from the interviews. This provided a robust framework for data triangulation and interpretation.

Data analysis techniques

The analysis of gathered data followed a systematic process, incorporating both deductive and inductive approaches. Initially, audio recordings of naturalistic language interactions were transcribed verbatim. Thematic analysis was then utilized to identify recurring patterns and themes related to linguistic taboos and euphemisms. Concurrently, qualitative data from interviews and focus group discussions were coded and categorized using NVivo 14 software to identity the key themes and emergent insights.

Analysis and discussion

Types of linguistic taboos identified

Analysis of data obtained from the observation shows that verbal taboos can be divided into two broad categories: General taboos and context-dependent ones. The former refers to the words/phrases that are tabooed whenever uttered and the latter includes those that are tabooed in specific contexts only. The first category is further divided into two subcategories: Unmentionable words/phrases and mentionable words/phrases with softeners.

Unmentionable words/phrases

Words related to sex constitute the initial subset of taboo words identified in the interactions of the present study’s participants. They have been detected through their correspondent euphemistic expressions as these taboo words can never be mentioned in the daily interactions of females within Batna community. These encompass the names of sex organs, virginity, menses, menopause, homosexuality, intercourse, as well as the words related to it such as erection and ejaculation.

 It is worth mentioning that the most prevalent linguistic taboos in Muslim cultures revolve around the female body and its transformations. This is due to girls growing up in environments where sexual discrimination is largely sanctioned by society. As a result, there are three primary taboo subjects related to sex in the lives of Algerian females: virginity, menstruation, and menopause.

 When it comes to virginity, it is important to recognize that it holds significant value as a symbol of honor for both girls and their families. Therefore, it is profoundly sacred in the Algerian society and especially the Chaoui region. Girls are constantly reminded of the importance of virginity from a young age, instilling a fear of losing it which can result in psychological traumas affecting their lives deeply. Similarly, menstruation is another sensitive topic. Within Islamic teachings, it is considered a taboo due to the perception of females as impure during this time. Consequently, they are restricted from prayer, fasting, reading Quran, and intercourse as menstrual blood is deemed najis (in English: dirty).

 In addition to virginity and menstruation, menopause is also unmentionable in the daily interactions of females within Batna community. It is avoided in order not to hurt women’s feelings as it is viewed as synonymous with old age, failure, and the beginning of decline. Some women do not mention the word even in front of their husbands out of fear of being replaced by younger wives.

Mentionable words/phrases with softeners

This category encompasses words and phrases that are deemed taboos when uttered without specific conventional expressions. These expressions are employed to soften the impact of the tabooed word and render it more acceptable. Three types of these linguistic taboos are identified in our observations.

 The first category includes words or phrases denoting unclean places or objects such as toilets or the blood of menses. The minimizers used with these words directly address the hearer and aim to preserve his dignity from the mentioned. Examples of mitigators include azakum Allah (May God dignify you), hashakum (May God exclude you from this filth), or akramakum Allah (May God honor you).

 The second type of the tabooed words mentioned only with softeners refer to metaphysical entities such as genies or ghosts. Here, minimizers serve to protect both the speaker and the hearer from metaphysical threats. These explains that taboos originated from fear of a demonic power believed to reside within tabooed objects. This fear prompts the use of specific minimizers to ward off evil. Examples of minimizers include مسلمين مكتفين (We are subject to them and do not violate their will and command) and Rabi y3afina (I seek God’s protection from the devil).

 The third category of mentioned taboos with mitigators include the words or phrases expressing admiration for objects or qualities. These minimizers serve to protect admired objects from the evil eye, even if they belong to oneself. This could be a physical object like a car or a particular feature of beauty, or an abstract quality like skill. In the culture of Batna, it is believed that anyone’s gaze can have a malevolent effect if they admire something. Thus, expressions like allahoma salli ala Mohammad (O God’s prayers on Mohammad) or allahoma adim nematak (I hope that ‘the admired thing’ lasts forever) are used to safeguard against this. Failing to use these phrases may result in the destruction of the admired person or object.

 The last type of mentionable taboos with softeners refer to fatal diseases such as cancer and AIDS. Phrases like wa eleyathu be Allah (God’s protection is sought) or afana Allah (May God cure us all) are uttered to ward off diseases.

Context-dependent taboos

The second major category of taboo words identified in our observations comprises context-specific taboo words. These are originally non-taboo words in formal settings but become taboos in informal ones. Examples include words such as pig and dog. For instance, mentioning the word dog in the classroom by a teacher is not considered taboo. However, if a woman mentions dog in an informal conversation with her cousin, it would be deemed taboo. In this case, a softener such as hashak (May God dignify you) must be used. Religious beliefs have contributed to the tabooing of these words, as animals like dogs and pigs are associated with impurity and uncleanness.

Techniques used to avoid linguistic taboos

Observations showed that the participants of the current study pursued a set of strategies to mitigate the negative meanings caused by the direct usage of taboos. These strategies include but are not limited to:

 Religious terms and jargon. Religious terminology and jargon were employed to avoid taboos. For example, the word ‘intercourse’ was replaced with the religious term jimae. A similar strategy involves utilizing jargon (medical terms). For instance, the name of the male reproductive organ was substituted with qadeeb or alqadib athakari (penis). Similarly, AIDS was referred to as ‘Human immunodeficiency virus infection’. Additionally, instead of using the taboo word ‘vomit’, the participants opted for yofrigh almaeda (empty one’s stomach).

 Modern standard Arabic terms. In addition to religious terminology and jargon, the participants of the current investigation resorted to Modern Standard Arabic terms to avoid taboo words of colloquial Arabic. Examples include El buraz (i.e., feces) instead of Khara, Dawrat al meyah and Almirhadh (Water Closet) instead of toilet, El farj instead of vigina.

 Non-offensive conventional phrases. Another identified mechanism is the replacement of taboo words with non-offensive conventional phrases such as yerqud maa (sleep with) instead of have sex, kharja teriq (i.e. a woman in the wrong way) instead of prostitute, yfrgh mthantah (i.e., to empty his bladder) instead of yboull (i.e. to pee).

 Loan Words. This strategy refers to the use of words taken from other languages to substitute taboo words of L1. Examples identified in our observations are indisposition instead of menstruation, enceinte instead of pregnant, and soutien instead of bra.

 Metaphors. Another strategy of avoiding linguistic taboos is using metaphors. Words referring to the menses, for instance, are replaced by metaphors like en ropo (on vacation), or matesalish (She is not praying) since Muslim women cannot pray in days of menses.

 Conventionally Fixed Terms (Softeners). This technique means adding conventional words (minimizers) before or after the taboos to minimize their unpleasantness as already mentioned.

 Silence. A strategy frequently employed by the participants of the current study is silence. This tactic involves the speaker opting to withhold speech rather than uttering a taboo word.

Participants’ perceptions of the reasons why certain words are considered taboos

Religious reasons. According to the thematic analysis, the respondents think that the reasons why certain words are considered taboos are in the first place religious. A participant, for example said, “People use the names of animals to degrade others.” (Interviewee 7) Indeed, in Muslim societies, some animals are viewed filthy. The Holy Quran degrades some animals and their behaviors and considered them to be inferior to humans, such as dogs panting in verse 176 in Surat Al-A’raf . “His example is that of a dog: if you chase it away, it pants, and if you leave it, it [still] pants”, and donkeys braying in verse 31 in Surat Luqman “The ugliest of all voices is certainly the braying of donkeys”. Therefore, when humans are addressed using animal expressions, it often implies certain negative characteristics attributed to the recipient, such as being filthy, inferior, obedient, foolish, ugly, or ignorant. Specifically, within Batna community, calling someone a sheep suggests they are obedient; labeling them a donkey or ox implies foolishness and/or obedience; and referring to them as a pig or dog conveys notions of filthiness and/or inferiority. Similarly, expressions related to prostitution are considered taboo because prostitution is considered shameful and sinful in Islam. Consequently, using such expressions implies associations with filthiness, cheapness, and inferiority.

 Sociocultural Reasons. Thematic analysis indicates that sociocultural factors emerge as a predominant theme. Given that Algerians are Muslims, it is logical that religious teachings and factors have become ingrained as social norms within the community. Participants emphasized that within Batna community, the common linguistic taboos that revolve around the female body and its transformations are sociocultural. As one respondent expressed, “Girls grow up in an environment where societal approval of sexual discrimination is evident, leading to the spread of taboos of sexuality.” (Interviewee 9) Other participants think that the emphasis placed on sexual morality in the cultural norms of Batna region is behind the taboos around sex and sexual activity. Indeed, terms referring to sexual intercourse often carry connotations of someone’s submissive position, with women typically depicted in this role. Consequently, these terms are frequently wielded within culture, primarily by men, as a means to assert dominance over the listener and imply their inferiority relative to the speaker.

 Moreover, terms referring to certain supernatural creatures are considered taboo because most people believe that mentioning these entities may summon their presence, leading to harm inflicted upon both the speaker and the listener. Interestingly and as already mentioned, the religious and sociocultural factors that make some words taboos are interrelated. Many individuals harbor a fear of supernatural beings like Satan due to their portrayal as influential deceivers and destroyers of humans within Islamic teachings. The euphemistic expressions, maranich nsali (i.e. I’m not [currently] praying) and maranish tahra (i.e. I’m not [currently] clean) instead of meses, are deeply rooted in religious beliefs. Muslim women do not pray in their period and the blood of the menses is also considered impure in Islam.

 Furthermore, the respondents think that the reason why places and objects such as body waste are considered taboos is cultural. These terms denote filthiness, as they are filthy by nature (e.g., lavatory, shoes). One participant said that “The word Shoes connotes dirtiness in our culture because they touch everything they step on. They are also worn on the lowest part of the body. That’s why mentioning the word ‘shoes’ in front of a person without dignifying him would be inappropriate.” (Interviewee 12)

Gender Dynamics in Using Linguistic Taboos

Since the present investigation is concerned with linguistic taboos and euphemisms among females of Batna community, it is pertinent to tackle gender dynamics with this linguistic context. According to the participants, Algerian women generally exhibit a greater tendency to avoid taboo language compared to men. They attribute this trend to prevailing societal norms that place greater emphasis on women to communicate with solemnity and serenity. These social expectations contribute to the stigmatization of women who use taboo language, labeling them as cheap, while simultaneously normalizing and even valorizing its use by men, equating it with masculinity. In many Algerian communities, it is more socially acceptable for men to use taboo language than it is for women. This finding aligns with the observations made by Aliakbari and Raeesi (2015) and Talley and Hui-ling (2012), where female respondents noted a significant double standard regarding the use of taboo language. This double standard implies that taboo language is perceived as exclusively acceptable for men, creating a disparity in its usage between men and women.

Conclusion

The study of verbal taboos has been viewed as a delicate subject for academic research due to its sensitive nature. There is also no doubt that tackling the taboos of a given society is hoped to add new dimensions for understanding it. The present paper probes into the linguistic taboos and euphemisms among young female speakers in Batna speech community. The findings reveal a cautious use among these speakers when addressing certain topics. Identified taboo categories include sexuality and the bodily changes experienced by women, words or phrases denoting unclean places, terms associated with metaphysical entities such as genies or ghosts, expressions of admiration for objects or qualities, names of fatal diseases, and certain context-dependent animal names.

 Analysis of the corpus utilized in this study demonstrates that speakers tend to avoid the direct usage of these taboos, opting instead for euphemistic substitutions. These substitutions encompass a variety of linguistic strategies, including religious terms, jargon, Modern Standard Arabic expressions, non-offensive conventional phrases, loanwords, metaphors, and softeners. Furthermore, the study highlights the presence of both religious and sociocultural factors contributing to the designation of certain words or expressions as taboos. Additionally, societal norms within Batna community play a significant role in making the use of taboos more socially acceptable for men than for women.

References:

1. Al-Azzam, Bakri, Al-Ahaydib Mohammed, Alkhowaiter Norah, and Al-Momani Husam. 2017. Social and Cultural Euphemism in Saudi Arabic: A Semantic, a Pragmatic and a Sociolinguistic Analysis. Advances in Language and Literary Studies, 8 (2z0: 64-70.

2. Aliakbari, Mohammed, and Raeesi Hossein. 2015. A Sociolinguistic Study of Linguistic Taboos in the Iranian Society. International Journal of Educational Investigations, 2 (3): 91–104.

3. Allan, Keith. 2019. The Oxford Handbook of Taboo Words and Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

4. Allan, Keith, and Kate Burridge. 2006. Forbidden Words:Taboo and the Censoring of Language. Cambridge University Press.

5. Cameron, Deborah. 1992. Feminism and Linguistic Theory. London: Macmillan.

6. Eckert, Penelope. 1990. The Whole Woman: Sex and Gender Differences in Variation. Language Variation and Change, 1: 245-267.

7. Eckert, Penelope, Sally McConnell-Ginet. 2013. Language and Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

8. Ghounane, Nadia. 2014. A Sociolinguistic View of Linguistic Taboos and Euphemistic Strategies in the Algerian Society: Attitudes and Beliefs in Tlemcen Speech Community. International Journal of Research in Applied, Natural and Social Sciences, 2 (3): 73-88.

9. Gobert, Melanie. 2015. “Taboo Topics in the ESL/EFL Classroom in the Gulf Region”. In Raddawi Rana (Ed.), Intercultural Communication with Arabs. Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-254.

10. Holmes, Janet.2006. Gendered Talk at Work. Constructing Gender Identity Through Workplace Discourse. Oxford: Blackwell.

11. Hymes, Dell. 1974. Foundations in Sociolinguistics: An Ethnographic Approach. University of Pennsylvania Press.

12. Jay, Timothy. 1992. Cursing in America: A Psycholinguistic Study of Dirty Language in the Courts, in the Movies, in the Schoolyards and on the Streets. Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

13. Labov, William. 1966. The Social Stratification of English in New York City. Washington, DC: Centre for Applied Linguistics.

14. Patrick, Peter. 2002. “The Speech Community”. In J. K. Chambers, Peter Trudgill and Natalie Schilling-Estes (Eds.), The Handbook of Language Variation and Change, pp. 573-597. Oxford: Blackwell.

15. Sebkhaoui, Fouzia, and Yekhtar Ouissam. 2023. “Investigating Algerian Speakers’ Taboo Language and Euphemisms: A Case Study of Tiaret Speech Community”. Master Thesis. Ibn Khaldoun University, Tiaret.

16. Talley, Paul., and Hui-ling Tu. 2012. The Influence of Gender Differences in Proscribed Language Use in Taiwan. International Journal of Business and Social Science, 3 (20): 167-172.

17. Tannen, Deborah. 1990. You Just Don’t Understand: Men and Women in Conversation. New York: Ballantine.

18. Wardhaugh, Ronald. 2009. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Hong Kong: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.